terça-feira, 12 de junho de 2018

Como fomos enganados sobre a Síria: pela Anistia Internacional

Estamos todos em diferentes estágios de aprendizado sobre como somos enganados.

 

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A maioria de nós que vivemos fora da Síria sabemos muito pouco sobre o país ou sobre sua história recente. O que achamos que sabemos provém da mídia. A informação que tem o respaldo  de uma organização como a Anistia Internacional temos a tendência de tomá-la como confiável. Naturalmente, sempre confiei na Anistia Internacional sem reservas, acreditando que compreendia e compartilhava seus compromissos
Como seguidor de décadas, nunca pensei em checar a veracidade de seus relatórios. Somente ao ver a organização transmitindo, no ano passado, (2016) mensagens dos infames Capacetes Brancos, comecei a ter  muitas duvidas.[1] Depois de ter verificado um  problema sobre os depoimentos de testemunhas fornecidos pelos Médicos Sem Fronteiras(MSF), senti a necessidade de olhar mais de perto os relatórios da Anistia Internacional.[2]anistia tinha sido influente na formação de juízos morais públicos sobre os erros e acertos da guerra na Síria.
E se os relatórios da Anistia sobre a situação na Síria estivessem baseados em outra coisa que não as provas verificada?[3]E se os relatórios enganosos fossem fundamentais no fomento do conflito militar,  que de outro modo, poderiam ter sido mais contidos, ou mesmo evitados?

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A Anistia Internacional acusou pela primeira vez crimes de guerra na Síria, contra o governo do Presidente Bashar Al-Assad, em junho de 2012. [4] Se um crime de guerra envolve uma violação das leis da guerra, e a aplicação dessas leis pressupõe uma guerra, é relevante saber por quanto tempo o governo sírio esteve em guerra, supondo que estivesse numa. A ONU referiu-se a uma 'situação próxima à guerra civil' em dezembro de 2011. [5] Portanto, os "crimes de guerra da Anistia Internacional na Síria" foram relatados com base em evidências que  coletadas, analisadas, escritas, verificadas, aprovadas e publicadas em seis meses. [6] Isso é surpreendentemente - e preocupantemente - rápido demais.
O relatório não detalha seus métodos de pesquisa e investigação, mas um press release, comunicado de imprensa, cita extensamente  e exclusivamente as palavras de Donatella Rovera, que "passou várias semanas investigando violações de direitos humanos no norte da Síria". Fato é que a nova evidência anunciada no relatório foi reunida através de conversas e passeios que Rovera teve naquelas semanas. [7] O relatório dela menciona que a Anistia Internacional "não tinha sido capaz de realizar investigações sobre o terreno na Síria". [8]

 luther
Não sou advogado, mas acho inverossímil  que alegações de crimes de guerra feitas sobre esta base fossem levadas a sério. A própria Rovera falaria mais tarde de problemas com a investigação na Síria: em um artigo reflexivo publicado dois anos depois, [9] ela dá exemplos de evidências materiais e depoimentos de testemunhas que enganaram a investigação. [10]   Tais reservas não apareceram no site da Anistia; não tenho conhecimento de que a Anistia tenha comunicado quaisquer ressalvas sobre o relatório, nem de haver revisado as acusações de crimes de guerra. O que me parece mais  preocupante, no entanto, dado que as acusações de crimes já cometidos podem, no devido tempo, ser provadas, é que a  Anistia tão pouco atenuou  seus chamados à  ação previstas. Pelo contrário.
Em apoio à sua posição surpreendentemente rápida e decisiva sobre a intervenção, a Anistia Internacional também estava acusando o governo sírio de crimes contra a humanidade . Já antes de Deadly Reprisals, o relatório Deadly Detention alegou isso. Tais alegações podem ter implicações graves porque podem ser tomadas como justificativas para intervenção armada. [11] Enquanto os crimes de guerra não ocorrem a menos que haja uma guerra, os crimes contra a humanidade podem ser considerados uma justificativa para a guerra. E na guerra, podem ocorrer atrocidades que de outra forma não teriam ocorrido.
Considero esse pensamento profundamente perturbador, particularmente como defensor da Anistia Internacional, na época em que isso exigia  uma ação, cujas previsíveis consequências  incluíam combates e possíveis crimes de guerra, cometidos por quem quer que tenha cometido, o que de outra modo não haveria. Pessoalmente, não consigo escapar do pensamento de que, a utilização desses meios para um fim também compartilha  certa responsabilidade pelas consequências que produz[12]
Se a Anistia Internacional considerava o risco moral de cumplicidade indireta ao criar crimes de guerra como menos importante do que manter silêncio no que acreditava ter encontrado na Síria, então  deve ter tido uma grande confiança nas descobertas. Essa confiança foi justificada?

 Deadly Reprisals.png
Se voltarmos aos relatórios sobre os direitos humanos em Síria para o ano de 2010, antes do início do conflito,  a Anistia Internacional registrava vários casos de detenção injusta e brutalidade [13] Nos dez anos em que Bashar Al-Assad foi presidente, a situação dos direitos humanos pareceu aos observadores ocidentais não ter melhorado tão acentuadamente quanto eles esperavam. A Human Rights Watch chamou o período de 2000-2010 de "década perdida". [14]O teor consistente dos relatórios foi o desapontamento: os avanços alcançados em algumas áreas foram confrontados com problemas contínuos em outras. Sabemos também que, em algumas partes rurais da Síria, havia uma verdadeira frustração real nas prioridades e políticas do governo. [15]Uma economia agrícola prejudicada pelos efeitos da má gestão de uma grave  seca  deixou  os mais pobres  sentindo-se marginalizados. A vida pode ter sido boa para muitos nas cidades vibrantes, mas estava longe de ser idílica para todos, e ainda havia espaço para melhorar o histórico de direitos humanos. O enfoque sobre a forte abordagem  do governo junto aos  grupos que buscavam o fim do estado laico na Síria foi amplamente entendida como necessitando de monitoramento para os excessos informados. Ainda assim, as descobertas de monitores anteriores à guerra estão longe de qualquer sugestão de crimes contra a humanidade . Isso inclui as conclusões do Relatório da Anistia Internacional de 2011: o estado dos direitos humanos no mundo .
Um relatório publicado apenas três meses depois retrata uma situação dramaticamente diferente. [16] No período de abril a agosto de 2011, os acontecimentos no terreno certamente se moveram rapidamente na sequência dos protestos contra o governo em algumas partes do país, mas também na Anistia.
Ao promover o novo relatório, Detenção Mortal , a Anistia Internacional EUA observa com orgulho como a organização está agora fornecendo "documentação em tempo real sobre abusos dos direitos humanos cometidos por forças do governo". Não só está fornecendo relatórios rápidos, mas também está fazendo afirmações contundentes. Em lugar de declarações medidas que sugerem reformas necessárias, agora condena o governo de Assad por "um ataque generalizado, bem como sistemático, contra a população civil, realizado de forma organizada e de acordo com uma política estatal para cometer tal ataque". O governo sírio é acusado de "crimes contra a humanidade" . [17]

deadly-detention 
A velocidade e a confiança - assim como a profundidade implícita nas revelações - do relatório são notáveis.O relatório é preocupante, também, dado  a forma sinistra de sua conclusão condenatória contra o governo: Amnesty International "apela ao Conselho de Segurança da ONU que não só condene, firmemente e juridicamente vinculante, as violações em massa dos direitos humanos cometidos na Síria, mas também tome outras medidas para responsabilizar os responsáveis, inclusive encaminhando a situação na Síria para o Ministério Público do Tribunal Penal Internacional. Assim, a Anistia Internacional continua instando o Conselho de Segurança a impor um embargo de armas à Síria e congelar imediatamente os bens do Presidente al-Assad e outros funcionários suspeitos de responsabilidade por crimes contra a humanidade". Com declarações tão fortes como esta, especialmente num contexto em que poderosos estados estrangeiros já estavam exigindo "mudança de regime" na Síria, a contribuição da Anistia poderia ser vista como jogando combustível em um incêndio.
Já que não é apenas a força da condenação que é digna de nota, mas a rapidez de sua entrega - em "tempo real" - uma pergunta que os apoiadores da Anistia Internacional podem considerar é como a organização pode fornecer cobertura instantânea de eventos enquanto também investiga totalmente e verificar a evidência.

JORDAN-SYRIA-CONFLICT-REFUGEES

A reputação da Anistia Internacional repousa na qualidade de suas investigações. O secretário-geral da organização, Salil Shetty, declarou claramente os princípios e métodos adotados na coleta de provas:
"Fazemos de uma forma muito sistemática, primaria, as provas são recolhidas pelo nosso próprio pessoal no terrenotodos os aspectos de nossa coleta de dados são baseados em corroboração e verificação cruzada de todas as partes , inclusive quando há, você sabe, muitas partes nas várias situação, devido a que todos as questões com as quais lidamos são bastante polêmicas. Por isso, é muito importante ter diferentes pontos de vista e constantemente revisar e verificar os fatos ." [18]
Portanto, segundo o secretário, a Anistia  estabelece, para si,  padrões rigorosos de pesquisa e assegura ao público que é extremamente rigorosa e atenta aos detalhes antes de aderir aos fatos. Isso é de se esperar, creio, especialmente quando acusações graves são feitas contra um governo.
A  Anistia seguiu seu próprio protocolo de investigação  na preparação do relatório da Detenção Mortal ? Foi: sistemática , primária , a coleta foi realizada pela própria equipe da Anistia no terreno , com todos os aspectos da coleta de dados verificados por corroboração e por verificação cruzada com todas as partes envolvidas?
Na análise anexada aqui como uma nota [- [19] -] eu mostro, ponto por ponto, que o relatório admite não cumprir alguns destes critérios e não se demonstra que haja cumprido algum deles.
Dado que as descobertas poderiam ser usadas para apoiar os chamados de intervenção humanitária na Síria, o mínimo que se esperava da organização seria a aplicação de seus próprios padrões de prova prescritos.

Para que não se pense que o enfoque nos aspectos técnicos da metodologia de pesquisa possa eximir o governo de crimes flagrantes, é preciso enfatizar - como era originalmente lógico para a Anistia Internacional - que nunca devemos presumir a culpa sem evidencias ou provas. [20] Muito além de questões técnicas, errar sobre quem é o autor dos crimes de guerra poderia levar as consequências demasiadamente reais de intervir equivocadamente ao lado dos autores reais dos crimes.
wwiii

Supondo, ainda assim, insistir que Assad está dirigindo a destruição em massa de seu próprio país e massacrando seu próprio povo: certamente a "comunidade internacional" deveria intervir em nome do povo contra esse suposto "assassino em massa"? [21]  No clima de opinião expressa largamente  divulgada atualmente, isso pode ter soado como uma proposta plausível. No entanto, não foi a única proposta plausível e, certamente, não na própria Síria. Outra proposta, considerada como melhor tipo de apoio que se deveria oferecer ao povo da Síria seria pressionar mais firmemente o governo em direção a reformas, enquanto o ajudava, como era cada vez mais necessário, a livrar o território de insurgentes terroristas que fomentaram e exploraram as tensões dos protestos originais da Primavera de 2011. [22] Mesmo supondo que os agentes de segurança interna do governo precisavam de maior moderação, a melhor maneira de alcançar isso não era necessariamente minar o próprio governo que estaria excepcionalmente bem colocado, com apoio e incentivos construtivos, para aplicá-lo.

Não me aparece óbvio que a Anistia estava obrigada ou era capacitada  para decidir entre as hipóteses alternativas. Como, no entanto, optou por fazê-lo, temos que perguntar por que descartou preventivamente o método de decisão proposto pelo próprio Presidente Al-Assad. Seu compromisso de realizar eleições para perguntar às pessoas se elas queriam que ele ficasse ou partisse.

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Ainda que não tenha sido informado amplamente pela mídia ocidental, e,  praticamente tenha sido ignorada pela Anistia [23] - a Síria celebrou eleições presidenciais em 2014, tendo como resultado  uma vitória esmagadora de Bashar Al-Assad. Ganhou com  10.319.723 votos ou 88,7% dos votos,  com uma participação no processo eleitoral de de 73,42% dos eleitores. [24]

Os observadores ocidentais não questionaram esses números nem alegaram irregularidades nas votações, [25]enquanto isso, a mídia  buscava minimizar seu significado e sua importância. "Esta não é uma eleição que pode ser analisada da mesma forma que uma eleição multipartidária e de múltiplos candidatos em uma das democracias europeias estabelecidas ou nos Estados Unidos", disse o correspondente da BBC em Damasco, Jeremy Bowen. Acrescentando, desqualifica o processo como se fosse  "um ato de homenagem ao presidente Assad por seus partidários, que foi boicotado e rejeitado pelos opositores, em vez de um ato de política. ”[26] No entanto, essa "homenagem" foi feita pela maioria absoluta dos sírios.
Referir-se ao processo como "sem sentido", como fez o Secretário de Estado dos EUA, John Kerry, ,[27] revela algo de quanto seu próprio regime respeita o povo da Síria. É verdade que a votação  não pode ser realizada nas áreas controladas pela oposição, mas a participação em geral era tão grande que, mesmo supondo que toda a população dessas áreas votasse contra ele, ainda assim teriam que aceitar Assad como legítimo vencedor -  como nós, na Escócia, tivemos que aceitar Theresa May como primeira-ministra do Reino Unido. De fato, a recente libertação do leste de Aleppo revelou que o governo de Assad realmente tem apoio também ali.

Não podemos saber se Assad teria sido a primeira escolha de tantas pessoas em outras circunstâncias, mas podemos razoavelmente inferir que o povo da Síria viu em sua liderança a melhor esperança de unificar o país em torno da meta de acabar com o derramamento de sangue. Independente de que  alguns sírios desejassem - incluindo os desejos expressos nos protestos autênticos de 2011 - a vontade do povo sírio era claramente, sob as circunstâncias reais, que seu governo enfrentasse os problemas, em vez de ser suplantado por agências patrocinadas do estrangeiro. [28]


(Sou tentado a acrescentar, como filósofo político, que Jeremy Bowen, da BBC, poderia estar certo ao dizer que a eleição não era um 'ato de política' normal: Bashar Al-Assad sempre foi claro em declarações e entrevistas que sua posição é indissociavelmente  vinculada à constituição síria. Ele não escolheu desistir de uma carreira em medicina para se tornar um ditador, como eu o entendo, ao contrário, o evento fortuito da morte de seu irmão mais velho alterou seus planos. Pessoalmente, estou disposto a acreditar que a inquebrantável determinação de propósito de Assad realmente resulta de um compromisso com a defesa da constituição de seu país. O fato do povo realmente deseja-lo como presidente do país, é secundário, a  questão principal é se estavam dispostos a desistir de sua própria constituição nacional pelos  ditames de qualquer outro corpo que não fosse  o do próprio povo sírio. Sua resposta a isso tem um significado, como Bowen inadvertidamente assinala, que está mais além da mera política.)

Dado que o povo sírio rejeitou a proposta que a Anistia  promoveu, graves questões devem ser levantadas e respondidas. Entre elas,  - em defesa da Anistia - é se havia alguma justificativa independente - vindo de fontes de informação distintas de suas próprias investigações -  para crer  genuinamente que suas acusações contra o governo sírio estavam fundamentadas. Entretanto, como uma resposta afirmativa a essa questão não refutaria o ponto que procurei esclarecer aqui, eu as colocarei de lado para uma discussão à parte no próximo episódio desta investigação.


SYRIA-CONFLICT-POLITICS-VOTE

O que desejo esclarecer, por enquanto, é que a Anistia Internacional não justificou de forma independente sua própria posição de defesa. Esta é uma preocupação para qualquer pessoa que pense que deve assumir total responsabilidade pelo monitoramento que reporta. Discussões adicionais também devem abordar as preocupações sobre quais tipos de defesa se envolver. [29]

NOTES
[1] For background on concern about the White Helmets, a concise overview is provided in the video White Helmets: first responders or Al Qaeda support group? For a more thorough discussion, see the accessible but richly referenced summary provided by Jan Oberg. On the basis of all the information now widely available, and in view of the consistency between numerous critical accounts, which contrasts with the incoherence of the official narrative as made famous by Netflix, I have come to mistrust testimony sourced from the White Helmets when it conflicts with testimony of independent journalists on the ground – especially since reports of the latter are also consistent with those of the people of eastern Aleppo who have been able to share the truth of their own experiences since the liberation (for numerous interviews with people from Aleppo, see the Youtube channel of Vanessa Beeley; see also the moving photographic journals of Jan Oberg.)
There have certainly been efforts to debunk the various exposés of the White Helmets, and the latest I know of (at the time of writing) concerns the confession featured in the video (linked above) of Abdulhadi Kamel. According to Middle East eye, his colleagues in the White Helmets believe the confession was beaten out of him (report as at 15 Jan 2017) in a notorious government detention centre (http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/syrian-white-helmet-fake-confession-filmed-assad-regime-intelligence-prison-344419324); according to Amnesty International, which does not mention that report in its appeal of 20 Jan 2017, states that there is no evidence he was a White Helmet and it is not known what happened to him (https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2017/01/man-missing-during-east-aleppo-evacuation/). What I take from this is that some people want to defend the White Helmets, but that they cannot even agree a consistent story to base it on under the pressure of unexpected events in Aleppo showing behind the scenes – literally – of the Netflix version of events. It is also hardly reassuring about the quality of AI’s monitoring in Syria.
[2] My critical inquiry about Doctors Without Borders (MSF) was sparked by learning that their testimony was being used to criticise claims being made about Syria by the independent journalist Eva Bartlett. Having found her reporting credible, I felt compelled to discover which account to believe. I found that MSF had been misleading about what they could really claim to know in Syria.
In response to that article, several people pointed to related concerns about Amnesty International. So I had the temerity to start questioning Amnesty International on the basis of pointers and tips given by several of my new friends, and I would like to thank particularly Eva Bartlett, Vanessa Beeley, Patrick J.Boyle, Adrian D., and Rick Sterling for specific suggestions. I have also benefited from work by Tim Anderson, Jean Bricmont, Tony Cartalucci, Stephen Gowans, Daniel Kovalic, Barbara McKenzie, and Coleen Rowley. I would like to thank Gunnar Øyro, too, for producing a rapid Norwegian translation of the MSF article which has helped it reach more people. In fact, there are a great any others too, that have I learned so much from in these few weeks, among what I have come to discover is a rapidly expanding movement of citizen investigators and journalists all around the globe. It’s one good thing to come out of these terrible times. Thanks to you all!
[3] For instance, it is argued by Tim Anderson, in The Dirty War on Syria (2016), that Amnesty has been ‘embedded’, along with the Western media, and has been following almost unswervingly the line from Washington rather than providing independent evidence and analysis.
[4] The report Deadly Reprisals concluded that ‘Syrian government forces and militias are responsible for grave human rights violations and serious violations of international humanitarian law amounting to crimes against humanity and war crimes.’
[6] ‘In the areas of the governorates of Idlib and Aleppo, where Amnesty International carried out its field research for this report, the fighting had reached the level and intensity of a non-international armed conflict. This means that the laws of war (international humanitarian law) also apply, in addition to human rights law, and that many of the abuses documented here would also amount to war crimes.’ Deadly Reprisals, p.10.
[7] Rovera’s account was contradicted at the time by other witness testimonies, as reported, for instance, in the Badische Zeitung, which claimed responsibility for deaths was attributed to the wrong side. One-sidedness in the account is also heavily criticized by Louis Denghien http://www.infosyrie.fr/decryptage/lenorme-mensonge-fondateur-de-donatella-rovera/ Most revealing, however, is the article I go on to mention in the text, in which Rovera herself two years later effectively retracts her own evidence (‘Challenges of monitoring, reporting, and fact-finding during and after armed conflict’). This article is not published on Amnesty’s own site, and is not mentioned by Amnesty anywhere, as far as I know. I commend it to anyone who thinks my conclusion about Deadly Reprisalsmight itself be too hasty. I think it could make salutary reading for some of her colleagues, like the one who published the extraordinarily defensive dismissal of critical questions about the report in Amnesty’s blog on 15 June 2012, which, I would say, begs every question it claims to answer. (The author just keeps retorting that the critics hadn’t been as critical about opposition claims. I neither know nor care whether they were. I only wanted to learn if he had anything to say in reply to the actual criticisms made.) While appreciating that people who work for Amnesty feel passionately about the cause of the vulnerable, and I would not wish it otherwise, I do maintain that professional discipline is appropriate in discussions relating to evidence.
[8] ‘For more than a year from the onset of the unrest in 2011, Amnesty International – like other international human rights organizations – had not been able to conduct research on the ground in Syria as it was effectively barred from entering the country by the government.’ (Deadly Reprisals, p.13)
[9] Donatella Rovera, Challenges of monitoring, reporting, and fact-finding during and after armed conflict, Professionals in Humanitarian Assistance and Protection (PHAP) 2014.
[10] The article is worth reading in full for its reflective insight into a number of difficulties and obstacles in the way of reliable reporting from the field, but here is an excerpt particularly relevant to the Syria case: ‘Access to relevant areas during the conduct of hostilities may be restricted or outright impossible, and often extremely dangerous when possible. Evidence may be rapidly removed, destroyed, or contaminated – whether intentionally or not. “Bad” evidence can be worse than no evidence, as it can lead to wrong assumptions or conclusions. In Syria I found unexploded cluster sub-munitions in places where no cluster bomb strikes were known to have been carried out. Though moving unexploded cluster sub-munitions is very dangerous, as even a light touch can cause them to explode, Syrian fighters frequently gather them from the sites of government strikes and transport them to other locations, sometimes a considerable distance away, in order to harvest explosive and other material for re-use. The practice has since become more widely known, but at the time of the first cluster bomb strikes, two years ago, it led to wrong assumptions about the locations of such strikes. … Especially in the initial stages of armed conflicts, civilians are confronted with wholly unfamiliar realities – armed clashes, artillery strikes, aerial bombardments, and other military activities and situations they have never experienced before – which can make it very difficult for them to accurately describe specific incidents.’ (Challenges of monitoring, reporting, and fact-finding during and after armed conflict) In light of Rovera’s candour, one is drawn to an inescapable contrast with the stance of Amnesty International, the organization. Not only did it endorse the report uncritically, in the first place, it continued to issue reports of a similar kind, and to make calls for action on the basis of them.
[11] ‘This disturbing new evidence of an organized pattern of grave abuses highlights the pressing need for decisive international action … For more than a year the UN Security Council has dithered, while a human rights crisis unfolded in Syria.  It must now break the impasse and take concrete action to end to these violations and to hold to account those responsible.’ Deadly Reprisals press release. The executive director of Amnesty International USA at that time was on record as favouring a Libya-like response to the Syria ‘problem’. Speaking shortly after her appointment she expressed her frustration that the Libya approach had not already been adopted for Syria: ‘Last spring the Security Council managed to forge a majority for forceful action in Libya and it was initially very controversial, [causing] many misgivings among key Security Council members. But Gaddafi fell, there’s been a transition there and I think one would have thought those misgivings would have died down. And yet we’ve seen just a continued impasse over Syria… .’ Quoted in Coleen Rowley, ‘Selling War as “Smart Power”’ (28 Aug 2012)
[12] The question of what Amnesty International as an organization can be said to have ‘willed’ is complex. One reason is that it is an association of so many people and does not have a simple ‘will’. Another is that public statements are often couched in language that can convey a message but with word choice that allows deniability of any particular intent should that become subject to criticism or censure. This practice in itself I find unwholesome, personally, and I think it ought to be entirely unnecessary for an organization with Amnesty’s moral mission. For a related critical discussion of Amnesty International’s ‘interventionism’ in Libya see e.g. Daniel Kovalik ‘Amnesty International and the Human Rights Industry’ (2012). Coleen Rowley received from Amnesty International, in response to criticisms by her, the assurance ‘we do not take positions on armed intervention.’ (The Problem with Human Rights/Humanitarian Law Taking Precedence over the Nuremberg Principle: Torture is Wrong but So Is the Supreme War Crime’, 2013). Rowley shows how this response, unlike a clear stance against intervention, shows some creativity. I also note in passing, that in the same response Amnesty assure us ‘AI’s advocacy is based on our own independent research into human rights abuses in a given country.’ This, going by the extent to which AI reports cite reports from other organisations, I would regard as economical with the truth.
In my next blog on Amnesty International, the role of Suzanne Nossel, sometime executive director of Ammesty International USA, will be discussed, and in that context further relevant information will be forthcoming about the purposes Amnesty’s testimony was serving in the period 2011-12.
[13] Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review, October 2011,‘End human rights violations in Syria’. Without wanting to diminish the significance of every single human rights abuse, I draw attention here to the scale of the problem that is recorded prior to 2011 for the purpose of comparison with later reports. Thus I note that the US State Department does not itemise egregious failings: ‘There was at least one instance during the year when the authorities failed to protect those in its custody. … There were reports in prior years of prisoners beating other prisoners while guards stood by and watched.’ In 2010 (May 28) Amnesty had reported ‘several suspicious deaths in custody’: http://www.amnestyusa.org/research/reports/annual-report-syria-2010. Its briefing to Committee on Torture speaks in terms of scores of cases in the period 2004-2010: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde24/008/2010/en/
For additional reference, these reports also indicate that the most brutal treatment tends to be meted out against Islamists and particularly the Muslim Brotherhood. There are also complaints from Kurds. A small number of lawyers and journalists are mentioned too.
[15] According to one account: ‘As a result of four years of severe drought, farmers and herders have seen their livelihoods destroyed and their lifestyles transformed, becoming disillusioned with government promises of plentitude in rural areas. In the disjuncture between paternalistic promises of resource redistribution favoring Syria’s peasantry and corporatist pacts binding regime interests to corrupt private endeavors, one may begin to detect the seeds of Syrian political unrest. … the regime’s failure to put in place economic measures to alleviate the effects of drought was a critical driver in propelling such massive mobilizations of dissent. In these recent months, Syrian cities have served as junctures where the grievances of displaced rural migrants and disenfranchised urban residents meet and come to question the very nature and distribution of power. … I would argue that a critical impetus in driving Syrian dissent today has been the government’s role in further marginalizing its key rural populace in the face of recent drought. Numerous international organizations have acknowledged the extent to which drought has crippled the Syrian economy and transformed the lives of Syrian families in myriad irreversible ways.’ Suzanne Saleeby (2012) ‘Sowing the Seeds of Dissent: Economic Grievances and the Syrian Social Contract’s Unraveling.
[16] The names, dates, and reporting periods of reports relevant here are easily confused, so here are further details. The Amnesty International Report 2011: the state of the world’s human rights mentioned in the text just here reports on the calendar year 2010, and it was published on May 13 2011. The separate report published in August 2011 is entitled Deadly Detention: deaths in custody amid popular protest in Syria’ and covers events during 2011 up to 15 August 2011.
[17] Crimes against humanity are a special and egregious category of wrongdoing: they involve acts that are deliberately committed as part of a widespread or systematic attackdirected against a civilian population. Whereas ordinary crimes are a matter for a state to deal with internally, crimes against humanity, especially if committed by a state, can make that state subject to redress from the international community.
[18] Salil Shetty interviewed in 2014: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Unl-csIUmp8
[19] Was the research systematic? The organising of data collection takes time, involving procedures of design, preparation, execution and delivery; the systematic analysis and interpretation of data involves a good deal of work; the writing up needs to be properly checked for accuracy. Furthermore, to report reliably involves various kinds of subsidiary investigation in order to establish context and relevant variable factors that could influence the meaning and significance of data. Even then, once a draft report is written, it really needs to be checked by some expert reviewers for any unnoticed errors or omissions. Any presentation of evidence that shortcuts those processes could not, in my judgment, be regarded as systematic. I cannot imagine how such processes could be completed in short order, let alone ‘in real-time’, and so I can only leave it to readers to decide how systematic the research could have been.
Was the evidence gathered from primary sources? ‘International researchers have interviewed witnesses and others who had fled Syria in recent visits to Lebanon and Turkey, and communicated by phone and email with individuals who remain in Syria … they include relatives of victims, human rights defenders, medical professionals and newly released detainees. Amnesty International has also received information from Syrian and other human rights activists who live outside Syria.’ Of all those sources, we could regard the testimony of newly released detainees as a primary source of information about conditions in prison. However, we are looking for evidence that would support the charge of committing crimes against humanity through ‘a widespread, as well as systematic, attack against the civilian population, carried out in an organized manner and pursuant to a state policy to commit such an attack’. On what basis Amnesty can claim definite knowledge of the extent of any attack and exactly who perpetrated it, or of how the government organizes the implementation of state policy, I do not see explained in the report.
Was the evidence collected by Amnesty’s staff on the ground? This question is answered in the report: “Amnesty International has not been able to conduct first-hand research on the ground in Syria during 2011” (p.5).
Was every aspect of data collection verified by corroboration? The fact that a number of identified individuals had died in violent circumstances is corroborated, but the report notes that ‘in very few cases has Amnesty International been able to obtain information indicating where a person was being detained at the time of their death. Consequently, this report uses qualified terms such as “reported arrests” and “reported deaths in custody”, where appropriate, in order to reflect this lack of clarity regarding some of the details of the cases reported.’
[This would corroborate descriptions of the pre-2011 situation regarding police brutality and deaths in custody. These are as unacceptable in Syria as they should be in all the other countries in which they occur, but to speak of ‘crimes against humanity’ implies an egregious systematic policy. I do not find anything in the report that claims to offer corroboration of the evidence that leads the report to state: ‘Despite these limitations, Amnesty International considers that the crimes behind the high number of reported deaths in custody of suspected opponents of the regime identified in this report, taken in the context of other crimes and human rights violations committed against civilians elsewhere in Syria, amount to crimes against humanity. They appear to be part of a widespread, as well as systematic, attack against the civilian population, carried out in an organized manner and pursuant to a state policy to commit such an attack.’]
As for corroboration of more widespread abuses and the claim that the government had a policy to commit what amount to crimes against humanity, I find none referred to.
Was the evidence relied on cross-checked with all parties concerned? Given that the government is charged, it would be a centrally concerned party, and the report makes clear the government has not been prepared to deal with Amnesty International. The non-cooperation of the government with Amnesty’s inquiries – whatever may be its reasons – cannot be offered as proof of its innocence. [That very phrase may jar with traditional Amnesty International supporters, given that a founding principle is the due process of assuming innocent before proven guilty. But I have allowed that some people might regard governments as relevantly different from individuals.] But since the government was not obliged to have dealings with Amnesty, and might have had other reasons not to, we must simply note that this aspect of the research methods protocol was not satisfied.
[20] I would note that a range of people have disputed whether there was any credible evidence, including former CIA intelligence officer Philip Giraldi http://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/nato-vs-syria/ while also affirming that the American plan of destabilizing Syria and pursuing regime change had been hatched years earlier. That, unlike the allegations against Assad, has been corroborated from a variety of sources. These include a former French foreign minister http://www.globalresearch.ca/former-french-foreign-minister-the-war-against-syria-was-planned-two-years-before-the-arab-spring/5339112 and General Wesley Clark http://www.globalresearch.ca/we-re-going-to-take-out-7-countries-in-5-years-iraq-syria-lebanon-libya-somalia-sudan-iran/5166.
[21] Although quotation marks and the word alleged are invariably absent in mainstream references to accusations involving Assad, I retain them on principle since the simple fact of repeating an allegation does not suffice to alter its epistemic status. To credit the truth of a statement one needs evidence.
Lest it be said that there was plenty of other evidence, then I would suggest we briefly consider what Amnesty International, writing in 2016, would refer to as ‘the strongest evidence yet’. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2016/03/from-hope-to-horror-five-years-of-crisis-in-syria/ (15 March 2016; accessed 11 January 2017) The evidence in question was the so-called Caesar photographs showing some 11,000 corpses alleged to have been tortured and executed by Assad’s people. A full discussion of this matter is not for a passing footnote like this, but I would just point out that this evidence was known to Amnesty and the world as of January 2014 and was discussed by Amnesty’s Philip Luther at the time of its publication. Referring to them as ‘11,000 Reasons for Real Action in Syria’, Luther admitted the causes or agents of the deaths had not been verified but spoke of them in terms that suggest verification was close to being a foregone conclusion (remember, this was five months before Assad’s election victory, so the scale of this alleged mass murder was knowledge in the public domain at election time). These ‘11,000 reasons’ clearly weighed with Amnesty, even if they could not quite verify them. To this day, though, the evidence has not been credibly certified, and I for one do not expect it will be. Some reasons why are those indicated by Rick Sterling in his critical discussion ‘The Caesar Photo Fraud that Undermined Syrian Negotiations’. Meanwhile, if Amnesty International’s people had thought up hypotheses to explain why the Syrian electors seemed so nonchalant about the supposed mass murdering of their president, they have not shared them.
[22] Although this was very much a minority perspective in the Western media, it was not entirely absent. The Los Angeles Times of 7 March 2012 carries a small item called ‘Syria Christians fear life after Assad’ http://articles.latimes.com/2012/mar/07/world/la-fg-syria-christians-20120307  It articulates concerns about ‘whether Syria’s increasingly bloody, nearly yearlong uprising could shatter the veneer of security provided by President Bashar Assad’s autocratic but secular government. Warnings of a bloodbath if Assad leaves office resonate with Christians, who have seen their brethren driven away by sectarian violence since the overthrow of longtime strongmen in Iraq and in Egypt, and before that by a 15-year civil war in neighboring Lebanon.’ It notes ‘their fear helps explain the significant support he still draws’.
This well-founded fear of something worse should arguably have been taken into account in thinking about the proportionality of any military escalation. The LA Times article carries an interview: ‘”Of course the ‘Arab Spring’ is an Islamist movement,” George said angrily. “It’s full of extremists. They want to destroy our country, and they call it a ‘revolution.’ “… Church leaders have largely aligned themselves behind the government, urging their followers to give Assad a chance to enact long-promised political reforms while also calling for an end to the violence, which has killed more than 7,500 people on both sides, according to United Nations estimates.’ The LA Times carried several articles in a similar vein, including these: http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/world_now/2012/03/church-fears-ethnic-cleansing-of-christians-in-homs-syria.html; http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/story/2012-05-09/syria-christians-crisis/54888144/1.
We also find that support for Assad’s presidency held up throughout the period following the initial protests: Since then, support for Assad has continued to hold up. Analysis of 2013 ORB Poll: http://russia-insider.com/en/nato-survey-2013-reveals-70-percent-syrians-support-assad/ri12011.
[23] No mention is made to it on Amnesty’s webpages, and the annual report of 2014/15 offers a cursory mention conveying that the election was of no real significance: ‘In June, President al-Assad won presidential elections held only in government-controlled areas, and returned to of ce for a third seven-year term. The following week, he announced an amnesty, which resulted in few prisoner releases; the vast majority of prisoners of conscience and other political prisoners held by the government continued to be detained.’ (p.355, available at https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/pol10/0001/2015/en/)
[24] Reported in the Guardian 4 June 2014. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jun/04/bashar-al-assad-winds-reelection-in-landslide-victory. The total population of Syria, including children, was 17,951,639 in 2014. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographics_of_Syria
Although most of the Western press ignored or downplayed the result, there were some exceptions. The LA Times noted that ‘Assad’s regional and international supporters hailed his win as the elusive political solution to the crisis and a clear indication of Syrians’ will.’ http://www.latimes.com/world/middleeast/la-fg-syria-prisoner-release-20140607-story.html In a report on Fox News via Associated Press, too, there is a very clear description of the depth of support: Syrian election shows depth of popular support for Assad, even among Sunni majority. http://www.foxnews.com/world/2014/06/04/syrian-election-shows-depth-popular-support-for-assad-even-among-sunni-majority.html The report explains numerous reasons for the support, in a way that appears to give the lie to the usual mainstream narrative in the West.
The Guardian reports: ‘Securing a third presidential term is Assad’s answer to the uprising, which started in March 2011 with peaceful demonstrators calling for reforms but has since morphed into a fully fledged war that has shaken the Middle East and the world. And now, with an estimated 160,000 dead, millions displaced at home and abroad, outside powers backing both sides, and al-Qaida-linked jihadist groups gaining more control in the north and east, many Syrians believe that Assad alone is capable of ending the conflict.’
Steven MacMillan offers a pro-Assad account of the election in New Eastern Outlook http://journal-neo.org/2015/12/20/bashar-al-assad-the-democratically-elected-president-of-syria/
[25] Despite assertions from the states committed to ‘regime change’ that the election result should simply be disregarded, international observers found no fault to report with the process http://tass.com/world/734657
[26] It is deemed of so little consequence by the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office that its webpage on Syria, as last updated 21 January 2015 (and accessed 16 January 2017) still has this as its paragraph discussing a possible election in Syria in the future tense and with scepticism: ‘there is no prospect of any free and fair election being held in 2014 while Assad remains in power.’
[28] A survey conducted in 2015 by ORB International, a company which specializes in public opinion research in fragile and conflict environments, still showed Assad to have more popular support than the opposition. The report is analysed by Stephen Gowans: http://www.globalresearch.ca/bashar-al-assad-has-more-popular-support-than-the-western-backed-opposition-poll/5495643
[29] For earlier and preliminary thoughts on the general question here see my short piece ‘Amnesty International: is it true to its mission?’ (12 Jan 2017)
https://timhayward.wordpress.com/2017/01/23/amnesty-internationals-war-crimes-in-syria/



 

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